नेपालको सन्दर्भमा इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त चोरी

सामान्यतया सवारी साधन चलाउन, बिमान उडाउनमात्र हैन चिकित्सक, वकिल जस्ता पेशा व्यवसाय गर्न पनि इजाजतपत्र (लाईसेन्स) आवश्यक हुन्छ । तर आर्थिक उदारिकरण पछि जलबिद्युत आयोजना लगायत पूर्वाधारसंरचना निर्माण गरेर संचालन गर्न समेत इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त गरेर गर्न सकिने व्यवस्था भएकोछ । यसै सन्दर्भलाई जोडेर निकोलास हिल्ड्यार्डले “इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त चोरी” शिर्षकमा पुस्तक लेखेका छन्, म्यानचेष्टर युनिभर्सिटि प्रेसबाट २०१६ मा प्रकाशित ।

कौतुहलको कुरा के हो भने कसरी कुनै व्यक्ति या संस्थाले इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त गरेर चोरी गर्छन, वित्तिय दोहन गर्छन ! लेखकले केहि दृष्टान्तहरु सहित विभिन्न प्रकारका वित्तिय दोहन प्रष्ट्याएकाछन् । नेपालको सन्दर्भमा यस्ता वित्तिय दोहनहरुका प्रस्तुत लेखमा छलफल गरिएकोछ ।

इजाजतपत्र लिएर निर्मित पूर्वाधार संचालन
निज लेखकको निष्कर्श छ, इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त गरेर पूर्वाधार निर्माण तथा संचालन गर्दा पनि मनग्गे वित्तिय दोहन हुन्छ÷गरिन्छ । उनी वित्तिय दोहनलाई इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त चोरी नाम दिन्छन् । नेपालमा पनि सन् १९९२ मा जलबिद्युत नीति जारी भएपछि जलबिद्युत क्षेत्रको उदारिकरण गरियो । त्यसपछि निजी क्षेत्रले धेरै वटा जलबिद्युत आयोजनाहरु निर्माण गरेर संचालन गर्दैछन् । यस्ता आयोजनाहरुले गर्दा नैं बिद्युत आपूर्ति बढेर लोडसेडिंग घटेकोमा बिबाद छैन । यी मध्ये वित्तिय दोहन गर्ने र नगर्ने बीच बिभेद गर्नु वान्छनिय छ ।

हिमाल पावर लिमिटेडले निर्माण गरेको ६० मेगावाटको खिम्ती जलबिद्युत आयोजना धेरै बिबादमा प¥यो । १९९४ मार्चमा सम्पन्न (१९९६ जनवरीमा संशोधित) बिद्युत खरिद सम्झौता अनुसार बिद्युत बिक्री दर अमेरिकि डलरमा तोकिएको, अमेरिकि शहर न्यूयोर्कको मुद्रा स्फीतिको आधारमा दर बृद्धि हुने, रोयल्टी तिर्ने दायित्व बिद्युत प्राधिकरणको हुने, कानून परिवर्तन भएमा बृद्धि हुने कर आदिको दायित्व प्राधिकरणले ब्यहोर्नुपर्ने, जतिसुकै बिजुली उत्पादन गरेर बिद्युत प्राधिकरणलाई आपूर्ति गराए पनि निश्चित रकम प्राधिकरणले तिर्नै पर्ने (अर्थात कम बिजुली आपूर्ति गरे पनि पूरै रकम तिनुपर्ने), राज्य जमानत बस्ने आदि व्यवस्थाहरुले गर्दा यो सम्झौताको धेरै आलोचित भयो । अझ घातक व्यवस्था त प्राधिकरणलाई बिजुली आवश्यक नभएर बिजुली प्राप्त नगरे पनि पूरै रकम तिर्नुपर्ने हो ! सन् २००० पछि केहि समय यहि प्रावधानले गर्दा प्राधिकरणले आफ्ना आयोजनाहरु बन्द गरेर भएपनि खिम्तीबाट बिजुली खरिद गर्नुपर्ने बाध्यत्मक अवस्था सृजना भएको थियो ।

हिमाल पावर लिमिटेड पब्लिक लिमिटेड कम्पनि भएतापनि सर्वसाधारणलाई शेयर बितरण नगरेकोले यसले आफ्नो वित्तिय विबरणहरु सार्वजनिक गर्नु पर्दैन, गर्दैन । यसले गर्दा यो कम्पनिको वित्तिय स्थिति बारे जानकारी सार्वजनिक हुंदैन । तर परोक्षरुपमा भने यसको वित्तिय अवस्था आंकलन गर्न सकिन्छ । बुटवल पावर कम्पनिको हिमाल पावरमा साँढे ४३ करोड रुपैया जति लगानि छ (१६.९% स्वामित्व) र आर्थिक वर्ष २०७२/७३ मा लाभांशबापत ५३ करोड रुपैया भन्दा बढी आर्जन ग¥यो, जुन १ सय २२ प्रतिशत हो । यस्तो उच्च प्रतिफललाई लेखक वित्तिय दोहन मान्छन् ।

हिमाल पावरमा स्टाटक्राफ्ट नामक संस्थाको ५७% स्वामित्व र अर्को बिकेके नामक एक संस्थाको २६% स्वामित्व छ र छ । स्टाटक्राफ्ट नर्वे सरकारको पूर्ण स्वामित्व भएको संस्था हो । अनि बिकेकेको झण्डै ५०% स्वामित्व पनि स्टाटक्राफ्टकै हुनाले प्रत्यक्ष र परोक्षरुपमा हिमाल पावरको ७०% स्वामित्व नर्वे सरकारको संस्था स्टाटक्राफ्टको छ । आफ्नो “राज्य सम्पत्ति कोष”मा ९ सय २२ अर्ब अमेरिकि डलर (संसारमा सबभन्दा बढी) भएको नर्वे विश्वकै सबभन्दा सम्पन्न/समृद्ध देश हो (संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिकाको यस्तो कोषमा १ सय ५० अर्ब अमेरिकि डलर जति मात्र छ !) भने नेपाल एउटा बिपन्न देश हो । यस्तोमा विश्वकै सबभन्दा सम्पन्न/समृद्ध देश नर्वेले नेपाल जस्तो बिपन्न देशको वित्तिय दोहन गर्नु, नेपालमा आएर इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त चारी गर्नु सुहाउने कुरा हैन ।

सार्वजनिक निजि साझेदारी
आर्थिक उदारिकरणको अभ्युदयसंगै लगानि परिचालनको लागि सार्वजनिक निजि साझेदारीलाई गतिलो उपायकोरुपमा अवलम्बन गरिन्छ, नेपालमा पनि । उद्योगहरु स्थापना गर्नकोलागि समेत सार्वजनिक निजि साझेदारी अवलम्बन गरिन्छ । सार्वजनिक भन्नाले सरकारी लगानि मात्र नभएर सर्वसाधारणलाई शेयर, ऋणपत्र आदि बिक्री गरी पूंजी परिचालन गरेर लगानि गरिए पनि सार्वजनिक क्षेत्रको संलग्नता रहेको मानिन्छ । कुनै निजि व्यावसायिक घराना÷समूहले राज्यसंग मिलेर वा सर्वसाधारणबाट पूंजी परिचालन गरेर सार्वजनिक निजि साझेदारीमा व्यवसाय गर्छन् । र यहि प्रकृयाबाट पनि वित्तिय दोहन गरिंदो रहेछ भन्ने कुरा पत्याउन गाह्रो हुन्छ । निजि व्यापारिक घराना/समूहले आफ्नो अनुभव र सर्वसाधारणको लगानिबाट व्यवसाय शुरु गर्छन् । अन्त्यमा सर्वसाधारणले अनुभव हासिल गर्छन, लगानि भने गुमाउंछन् ।

यो कुरा एउटा ज्वलन्त उदाहरणबाट पुष्टि गर्न सकिन्छ । मध्ये तराइमा स्थापित भएर अढाई दशक नपुग्दै बिघटन भएको एउटा धागो उद्योगमा झण्डै १३ करोड साधारण शेयर र ७ करोड प्राथमिकताप्राप्त शेयर थियो भने नेपालका बैंकहरुबाट झण्डै २५ करोड र एशियाली विकास बैंकबाट झण्डै ११ करोड ऋण लिईएको थियो । त्यस्तै जनसाधारणबाट ऋणपत्रमा डेढ करोड जति उठाएको थियो । यसरी उक्त उद्योगमा व्यापारिक घरानाको बाहेकको ५० करोड जति लगानि थियो । स्मरणिय छ, बैंकहरुले गर्ने लगानि पनि जनसाधारणको निक्षेपबाट गरिने हुनाले त्यो रकम पनि सार्वजनिक लगानि हो ।

उक्त उद्योग सन् २०१२ मा बिघटन गरिएर सर्वसाधारणले साधारण र प्राथमिकता शेयर तथा ऋणपत्रमा गरेको लगानि डुब्यो भने बैंकहरुले पनि लगानि गुमाए । तर उक्त उद्योगको प्रबद्र्धक व्यावसायिक घरानालाई केहि फरक परेन । उल्टो सोहि व्यावसायिक घरानाले उक्त उद्योगको धेरै महंगो मूल्यको जग्गा अत्यधिक सस्तोमा हत्यायो भने उद्योगको कारखाना भवन उपकरणआदि पनि कवाडीको मोलमा हात पा¥यो । यो घटनालाई वित्तिय दोहनको उत्कृष्ट उदाहरण मानिन्छ ।

स्वास्थ्य शिक्षा क्षेत्रमा वित्तिय दोहन
शिक्षा क्षेत्रले देशका कर्णधारहरुको नियति कोर्छ भने स्वास्थ्य क्षेत्र मानिसहरुलाई स्वस्थ जीवन यापन गर्न सघाउंछ । अनि स्वास्थ्य शिक्षा क्षेत्रले देशकोलागि चिकित्सकहरुको आपूर्ति गर्छ । आर्थिक उदारिकरण पश्चात निजि क्षेत्रको संलग्नतामा नेपालमा शिक्षा केहि हदसम्म सर्वसुलभ भएकोछ भने निजि अस्पतालहरुले पनि जनस्वास्थ्यमा महत्वपूर्ण योगदान गरेकोछ । यस्तै निजि मेडिकल कलेजहरु स्थापना भएर चिकित्सा शिक्षाकोलागि बिदेश जानुपर्ने बाध्यता हटेकोछ ।
यस्ता चांदिको घेराहरु भएको कालो बादल भने एकदम घना छ । वित्तिय दोहन शिक्षा क्षेत्रमा मात्र हैन स्वास्थ्य क्षेत्र र मेडिकल कलेजहरुमा पनि व्यापक छ । मेडिकल कलेजहरुको वर्तमान कृयाकलापबाट यो कुरा प्रष्टिन्छ । मेडिकल कलेजहरुलाई कति बिद्यार्थि भर्ना गर्न पाउने भन्ने निश्चित संख्या मेडिकल काउन्सिलले तोक्छ र तोकिएको योग्यता सूचीमा परेका बिद्यार्थिलाई निश्चित शुल्कमा भर्ना गर्नुपर्छ ।

तर अधिकांश मेडिकल कलेजहरुले योग्यता सूचीमा नपरेका बिद्यार्थिलाई बढी शूल्क असूलेर भर्ना गरेर योग्यता सूचीमा परेका बिद्यार्थिलाई भर्ना गरेनन् । यस्ता बिद्यार्थीहरुलाई भर्ना गर्नुपर्ने भए सिट संख्या बढाउनुपर्ने मांग गर्दैछन् । लगभग लिलामी शैलीमा बढी शूल्क तिर्ने तर योग्यता सूचीमा नपरेकालाई भर्ना गरेर वित्तिय दोहनमा लागेका छन् । अझ कुनै अभिलेख नराख्ने गरेर बढी शूल्कको रकम नगदमा लिने भन्ने सुनिएकोमा प्रमाणको अभावमा आधिकारिक मान्न सकिन्न ।

मेडिकल कलेजहरुले बिद्यार्थिहरुको भविष्यसंग खेलवाड गरिरहेकाछन्, तर तिनै बिद्यार्थिहरुको भविष्यलाई अर्घेलो बनाएर तोकिए भन्दा बढी त्यो पनि योग्यता सूचीमा नपरेका बिद्यार्थी भर्ना गर्ने, तोकिए भन्दा बढि शूल्क लिने गोरखधन्दामा व्यस्त छन् । योग्यता सूचीमा परेका बिद्यार्थीहरुले भर्ना नपाएकोले अदालत जान बाध्य भएकाछन् भने योग्यता सूचीमा नपरेका तर बढी शूल्क तिरेर भर्ना भएकाहरुलाई पनि कलेजहरुले नैं अदालत जान बाध्य पारिरहेकाछन् ।
यी मेडिकल कलेजहरु संचालन गर्न राज्यका बिभिन्न निकायहरुबाट इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त गरेकाछन् । तर राज्यका निकायहरु मौन दर्शक बनेर बस्यो भने मेडिकल कलेजहरुले वित्तिय दोहनको धन्दा नैं चलाई रहेकाछन् ।

वित्तिय दोहनका अन्य दृष्टान्त
सन् १९७० को दशक सम्म उच्चतम र न्युनतम वेतनको फरक २० गुणा मात्र हुनेगथ्र्यो । अहिले विश्वमा ३ सय गुणा सम्म फरक छ । नेपालमै पनि मासिक १० हजार न्युनतम हुन्छ भने उच्चतम २० लाख सम्म हुनाले फरक २ सय १० गुणा हुन्छ । यस्तो कृयाकलाप राज्यको देखादेखीमा गरिन्छ, र राज्यले मौन सम्मति दिन्छ । त्यसैले यस्ता कामलाई पनि लेखकले इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त चोरीमा राखेकाछन् । किनभने राज्यको स्वीकृति लिएर संस्थापित संस्थाहरुले निम्न वेतनभोगीको वित्तिय दोहन गर्छन् ।

लेखक पैत्रिक सम्पत्तिले मानिस धनी बन्छन् भन्ठान्छन्, जुन ध्रुवसत्य होईन । कतिपय स्वनिर्मित मानिसहरु आफैले एकदम छोटो समयमा कमाएर खर्बपति भएका छन् । तर यस्ता व्यक्तिहरुले रुखमा पैसा टिपेर धनाढ्य बनेका भने हुन्नन् र कहिंकतै इजाजतपत्र प्राप्त चोरीको पनि भूमिका हुनसक्छ ।
प्राय गरेर हुँदा खाने (बिपन्न) वर्गलाई धैर्य गर्न भनिन्छ, समुद्रमा ज्वारभाटा उठेपछि अड्केको डुंगा तैरन थाल्ने आशा देखाएर । तर यो तप्काका मानिससंग डुंगा नैं नहुने हुनाले र ज्वारभाटा उठेपछि आफै डुब्छन् ।

२०७४ श्रावण ५ गतेको नागरिकमा प्रकाशित

स्वच्छ पानी र जलबिद्युत

यहि बैशाख ४ गते आयोजित एक अन्तत्र्रिmया कार्यक्रममा उर्जा मन्त्रीले ७ वर्षमा १७ हजार मेगावाट बिजुली उत्पादन गर्ने घोषणा मात्र गरेनन्, निर्माण गरिने ४ हजार ८ सय ५० मेगावाट जडित क्षमताका विभिन्न जलाशययुक्त आयोजनाहरुको सूची (पश्चिम सेती ७ सय ५०, बुढी गण्डकी १२ सय, नलसिंहगाड ४ सय १०, उत्तरगंगा ३ सय, दूधकोशी ३ सय, सुनकोशी तेश्रो १२ सय, सुनकोशी दाश्रो ५ सय ५० र तनहुँ १ सय ४० मेगावाट) नैं प्रस्तुत गरेकाछन् । २०६४ सालमा गिरिजा कोइराला सरकारले १० वर्षभित्र ५ हजार, २०६५ सालमा पुष्पकमल दहाल सरकारले १० वर्षमा १० हजार र २०६६ सालमा माधव नेपाल सरकारले २० वर्षभित्र २५ हजार मेगावाट निर्माण गर्ने घोषणा गरेका थिए । तर २०६४ सालबाट १० वर्ष यो सालमा र २०६५ सालबाट १० वर्ष अर्को साल पुग्छ, तर ५/१०/२५ हजार मेगावाट त के १ हजार मेगावाट पनि प्रणालीमा थपिएका छैनन् । यी सबै सपनाको खेती मात्र भए ।

तर लोडसेडिंग अन्त्य गरेर जस कमाएका वर्तमान उर्जामन्त्रीको महत्वाकांक्षालाई भने अवमूल्यन गर्न मिल्दैन । त्यसैले प्रस्तुत लेखमा यो महत्वाकांक्षा पूरा हुने उच्च सम्भावनालाई दृष्टिगत गरेर स्वच्छ पानीको आवश्यकता र परिपूर्तिको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा विश्लेषण गरिएकोछ ।

नदी प्रवाही आयोजना
नेपालमा हाल भएका ९ सय मेगावाट जति आयोजनामध्ये ६० मेगावाटको कुलेखानी प्रथम बाहेक बांकी सबै नदी प्रवाही हुन; ४ महिना वर्षातको मौसममा नदीमा धेरै पानी बग्दा जडित क्षमता बराबर बिजुली उत्पादन हुने र ८ महिना सुख्खायाममा कम (कतिपय समयमा एकतिहाई मात्र) उत्पादन हुने । यस्ता आयोजनाको क्षमता निर्धारण गर्दा उपलब्ध हुने पानीको परिमाण र माथिबाट तल झर्ने उचाईको आधारमा गरिन्छ । साथै आयोजनाको पानी मोड्न बनाईने बाँधको तल्लो तटीय इलाकामा सिंचाइको लागि के कति पानी उपभोग भईरहेकोछ भन्ने आंकलन गरेर सो परिमाण कटाएर बिजुली उत्पादन गर्न उपलब्ध हुनसक्ने पानीको परिमाणको आधारमा क्षमता निर्धारण गरिन्छ ।

यो भनेको बिद्यमान उपभोग्य उपयोगमा प्रतिकूल प्रभाव नपारीकन जलबिद्युत आयोजना निर्माण गर्नु हो, जुन सह्रानिय छ । नत्र सिंचाइको लागि पानी उपलब्ध नभएको अवस्थामा स्थानीय किसान र आयोजनाबीच अनावश्यक द्वन्द्व श्रृजना हुन्छ ।

स्वच्छ पानीको महत्व प्रतिबिम्बित जलश्रोत ऐन
अझ जलश्रोत ऐनको दफा ७ ले पानीको उपयोगको प्राथमिकताक्रम निर्धारण गर्दा पिउन, सिंचाइकोलागि र पशुपालन तथा मत्स्यपालनकोलागि पानीलाई जलबिद्युतभन्दा अगाडि प्राथमिकतामा राखेकोछ । यस सम्बन्धमा स्मरणिय छ कि सिंचाइ आदिको लागि स्वच्छ पानीको विकल्प छैन भने उर्जा उत्पादनकोलागि धेरै श्रोतहरु छन् ।
अझ महत्वपूर्ण कुरा के हो भने मानिस अंध्यारोमा बाँच्न सक्छ, तर पानी नपिईकन र खाना नखाईकन बाँच्न सक्दैनन्; खाद्यान्न लगातका खाद्य पदार्थ पानी बिना उत्पादन हुंदैन । त्यसैले पनि जलश्रोत ऐनमा यसरी प्राथमिकिकरण गरिएको बुझ्न कठिन छैन ।

बिद्युत ऐन, नियम
बिद्युत ऐनको दफा ४ मा जलबिद्युत उत्पादन गर्न अनुमतिपत्र पाउने व्यवस्था छ भने विद्युत नियमावलीको नियम २० ले अनुमतिपत्र प्राप्त व्यक्तीलाई अनुमतिपत्रमा उल्लेख भए बमोजिम कामको लागि सो अनुमतिपत्रमा तोकिएको परिमाणसम्मको जलश्रोत उपयोग गर्ने अधिकार सुनिश्चित गरिएकोछ र यो पानीको परिमाण घट्ने गरेर सिंचाइआदिको लागि पानी उपभोग हुने उपयोग निषिद्ध हुनजान्छ । अर्थात जलश्रोत ऐनले पिउन, सिंचाइकोलागि र पशुपालन तथा मत्स्यपालनकोलागि पानीलाई प्राथमिकतामा जलबिद्युत भन्दा अगाडि राखे पनि अनुमतिपत्र जारी गरिइसकेपछि उक्त अनुमतिपत्रले अग्राधिकार पाउंछ र सिंचाइ आदिको लागि समेत पानी झिक्न पाईन्न ।

थप/नयाँ जमिनमा सिंचाइ
माथि उल्लिखित सूत्रको आधारमा आयोजनाकोलागि अनुमतिपत्रमा पानीको परिमाण प्रत्याभूति गरिईसकेपछि त्यस भेगका किसानले आयोजनालाई प्रतिकूल प्रभाव पर्ने गरेर थप नयाँ जमिनमा वा वर्तमानमा उपयोग गरेको परिमाण भन्दा बढी पानी उपभोग गर्ने गरेर सिंचाइ गर्न पाउंदैन । अर्कोतिर जनसंख्या बृद्धिसंगै कृषि उपजको माँग बढेर जमिनमा सघन सिंचाई गरेर बहुबाली लगाउनुपर्ने हुन्छ । तर जलबिद्युत आयोजना निर्माण पश्चात यो कुरा सम्भव हुन्न, कानूनी व्यवस्थाकै कारणले ।

बिज्ञान र प्रविधि
सामान्यतः पानी अग्लोबाट होचोतिर बग्छ । तर बिजुली उपयोग गरेर अग्लोमा पनि पानी पु¥याउन सकिने हुनाले बिजुली उपलब्ध हुने ठाउंमा थप सिंचाइ गर्ने बाटो खुल्छ । तर अनुमतिपत्रमा परिमाण तोकिएपछि नयाँ प्रविधि अपनाएर पनि थप सिंचाइ निषिद्ध हुनजान्छ ।

यस्तै बिज्ञानले पानीलाई इलेक्ट्रोलाइसिस गरेर हाइड्रोजन र अक्सिजन उत्पादन गर्न सकिने बनाईसक्यो; अक्सिजन बिरामीको लागि चाहिन्छ नैं, हाइड्रोजन उर्जाकोरुपमा उपयोग हुन थालिसक्यो । हाइड्रोजनको भण्डारण र ढुवानी लागत महँगो भएकोले तत्काल नेपालमा या सम्भव छैन, तर प्रविधि विकाससंगै लागत घटेपछि सुलभ तथा सम्भव हुनेछ । तथापि यो कामको लागि पनि अनुमतिपत्रमा तोकिएको पानीको परिमाण घट्ने गरेर पानी उपयोग गर्न सकिन्न ।

अनुमतिपत्र
त्यसैले अनुमतिपत्र दिंदा नैं निकट भविष्यमा सिंचाइ लगायतका उपयोगकोलागि उपभोग्य उपयोगको लागि आवश्यक हुने पानीको परिमाण निर्धारण गरेर यस्तोको लागि व्यवस्था गरेर (कटाएर) बाँकी पानी मात्र जलबिद्युत आयोजनाकालागि प्रत्याभूति गरिने पानीको परिमाण निर्धारण गर्ने व्यवस्था गरिनुपर्छ ।

जलाशययुक्त आयोजना
धेरैले ठाने झैं नेपाल पानीमा धनी नभएर वर्षात ४ महिना बाढीमा धनी हो र ८ महिना खडेरीमा । त्यसैले खेतीयोग्य भूमि २६ लाख हेक्टर मध्ये १२ लाख हेक्टरमा सिंचाइ भएतापनि पौने ३ लाख हेक्टरमा मात्र बाह्रैमास सिंचाइ उपलब्ध छ । तर जलाशययुक्त आयोजना निर्माण गरिंदा वर्षातको पानी भण्डारण गरिने हुनाले (वर्षातमा बाढी नियन्त्रण भएर) सुख्खायाममा तल्लो तटीय इलाकामा थप/नियन्त्रित पानी उपलब्ध हुन्छ, जुन पिउन र सिंचाइको लागि उपलब्ध गर्न सकिन्छ ।

तर दुर्भाग्यबस उर्जामन्त्रीले जलाशययुक्त आयोजनाहरुको सूचि घोषणा गर्दा यी आयोजनाहरुलाई बहुउद्देश्यीय बनाउने लक्ष लिएका छैनन् । नागरिक दैनिकमा २०७३ चैत २७ गते प्रकाशित मेरो लेखमा उल्लेख गरिए झैं तल्लो तटीय मुलुकले एक पटक उपभोग्य उपयोगको लागि पानी खपत गर्न थालेपछि नेपालले यस्तो पानी उपभोग गर्ने हक गुमाउंछ ।
त्यसैले जलाशययुक्त आयोजना निर्माण गर्ने अवधारणा अगाडी बढाउँदा बहुउद्देश्यीय बनाईनु पर्छ र पिउन, सिंचाइ आदिको लागि पानीलाई प्राथमिकिकरण गरिनुपर्छ । उदाहरणको लागि मध्य पहाडमा कुनै पनि जलाशययुक्त आयोजना निर्माण गर्ने योजना बनाउँदा त्यस आयोजनाको तल्लो तटीय क्षेत्रमा नेपाल भित्र कति खेतीयोग्य जमिन छ र त्यो जमिनमा सिंचाइकोलागि पानी कति परिमाण आवश्यक हुन्छ भन्ने आँकलन गरिनुपर्छ ।

यसरी हिसाब गरेर जलाशयमा कति पानी भण्डारण गरिनुपर्छ भन्ने यकिन गरेर बाँधको उचाई निर्धारण गरिनुपर्छ र तदअनुरुप जलबिद्युत आयोजनाको जडित क्षमता निर्धारण गरिनुपर्छ । यसो गर्दा नेपालकोलागि पानीको आवश्यकताको आधारमा जलाशय आयतन निर्धारित हुन्छ भने डुबान तथा स्थानीय बासिन्दाको बिस्थापन पनि अनावश्यकरुपमा हुन्न ।

बुढी गण्डकी आयोजना
माथि उल्लिखित लेखमा उद्धृत गरे झैं बुढी गण्डकी आयोजनाको कारणले ५ लाख हेक्टर जमिन डुबानमा पर्छ भने ४५ हजार बासिन्दा विस्थापित भएर ३ सय ५० घनमिटर प्रति सेकेन्ड थप/नियन्त्रित पानी सुख्खायाममा उत्पादन हुन्छ । धान बाहेकको खेती गर्दा यति परिमाणको पानीले १० लाख ५० हजार हेक्टर सिंचाइ गर्न पुग्छ । अर्थात यो आयोजनालाई नेपालले बहुउद्देश्यीय नबनाएकोले भारतमा १० लाख ५० हजार हेक्टर सिंचाइ गर्ने अवस्था आउंछ । जुन भारतलाई निशुल्क कोशेलीस्वरुप प्राप्त हुने अवस्था बनिसकेकोछ, यदि तत्काल नैं यो आयोजनालाई बहुउद्देश्यीय बनाईएन भने ।

अति सरलिकरण गरेर हेर्ने हो भने लेसोथोले १८ घनमिटर प्रति सेकेन्ड पानीको वार्षिक साँढे २ करोड डलर दक्षिण अफ्रकिाबाट पाएको आधारमा ३ सय ५० घनमिटर प्रति सेकेन्ड पानीबापत (यो आंकडा ठीक मानेमा) नेपालले भारतबाट वार्षिक ४८.६ करोड डलर (वर्तमान विनिमय दर अनुसार वार्षिक ५० अर्ब रुपैया) पाउनुपर्ने हुन्छ । जुन भारतबाट पाउने अपेक्षा राख्नु नैं मुर्खता हुन्छ ।

तुलना गरेर हेर्दा पनि यो आयोजनाबाट वार्षिक उत्पादन हुने ३ अर्ब ३८ करोड युनिट बिजुली प्रति युनिट १० रुपैया दरमा बिक्री गर्दा पनि ३४ अर्ब रुपैया जति मात्र बिक्रीबाट प्राप्त हुनसक्ने रकमको डेढी हो । स्मरणिय छ, बिजुली उत्पादनबाट आउने सम्पूर्ण रकम नाफा हैन भने, उत्पादन लागत कटाएर मात्र नाफा यकिन हुन्छ । तर पानीबाट यसरी रकम प्राप्त गर्न सकिएमा प्राप्त हुने सम्पूर्ण रकम देशकोलागि चोखो नाफा हो ।

उपयुक्त जलाशययुक्त आयोजना
त्यसैले जलाशययुक्त आयोजना बहुउद्देश्यीय बनाईनुपर्छ र बनाउंदा आयोजनाको तल्लो तटीय क्षेत्रमा नेपालभित्रको सुख्खायाममा सिंचाइलगायतका कामकोलागि आवश्यक पानीको परिमाणको आधारमा बाँधको उचाई, जलाशयको आयतन र जलबिद्युत आयोजनाको जडित क्षमता निर्धारण गरिनुपर्छ । मुख्यतया बाँध र जलाशयले नेपालको भूभाग डुबानमा पर्ने र स्थानीय बासिन्दा बिस्थापन गराएर छिमेकी मुलुकलाई यस्तो पानी निशुल्क कोशेलीस्वरुप दिनु बुद्धिमानी हुन्न ।

भारतको उत्तर प्रदेश, बिहार आदि ठाउँमा नेपालमा संचित गर्न सकिने परिमाणमा पानी संचय गर्ने गरेर जलाशय निर्माण हुन नसक्ने परिप्रेक्ष्यमा भारतले सुख्खायाममा उपलब्ध हुने पानीको लागि मुनासिव रकम तिर्ने कबूल गरेमा नेपालले बाँधको उचाई बढाएर जलाशयको आयतन बढाएर भारतको लागि समेत पानी भण्डारण हुने गरेर आयोजना निर्माण गरिनु बुद्धिमानी हुन्छ । नत्र नेपालमा खपत हुसक्ने पानीको आवश्यकताको आधारमा बाँधको उचाई र जलाशयको आयतन निर्धारण गरेर मात्र जलबिद्युत आयोजनाको जडित क्षमता निर्धारण गर्नु वान्छनिय छ ।
Ratna Sansar Shrestha

२०७४ बैशाख १५ गतेको नागरिकमा प्रकाशित

जल र बिद्युतिय उर्जा सुरक्षा बिस्मृतिमा परेको जलबिद्युत नीति

काठमाडौं राजधानी हुनाले यो शक्ती केन्द्र हो भन्ने कतिपयलाई भ्रम छ र यस्तो व्यवहार गर्छन कि काठमाडौं नैं नेपाल हो र नेपाल भनेको काठमाडौं मात्रै हो । नदीहरुमा पानीको बहाव कम हुने चैत महिनामा समेत लोडसेडिंग नभएकोले सबै दंग छन्, रमाई रहेकाछन् अनि आत्मरतीमा मग्न पनि । आगतको चिन्ता अधिकांशलाई छैन ।

अरुण ३ को वित्तिय श्रोत जुटेकोमा दंग छन्, थप ९ सय मेगावाट बिजुली उत्पादन हुने भयो भनेर । तर अधिकांश बिजुली भारत निकासी हुने कुरा बिस्मृतिमा पर्छ । अनि ९ सय मेगावाटकै माथिल्लो कर्णाली पनि निर्माण हुनुपर्छ भनेर सशक्त आवाज उठाउंछन् थप बिजुली निशुल्क उपलब्ध हुने मृगमरिचिकामा रमेर । यसबाट नेपाललाई खाँचो हुने बेलामा ३६ मेगावाटमात्र पाईन्छ भन्ने बिर्सेर । अझ यो आयोजनाबाट नेपालले निशुल्क पाउने भनिएकोे बिजुली पनि आयोजना विकास सम्झौता (पीडीए) अनुसार निकासी गर्ने व्यवस्था छ भन्ने कुरा उपेक्षा गरेर जलबिद्युत “विकास” हुनलागेकोमा हर्षित छन् ।

स्वच्छपानी सम्बन्धी सुरक्षा
देशका कतिपय ठाउँमा फोहर पानी पिउनाले धेरै मानिस बिरामी मात्र नपरेर असामयिक मृत्युवरण गर्दैछन् । यो तप्कालाई नेपाल पानीमा धनी छ भन्ने कुराले गिज्याए जत्तिकै छ । जलबिद्युत नीतिले यो पाटोलाई पूर्णतः उपेक्षा गरेकोछ । जलश्रोतमा आधारित गरेर बिद्युत उत्पादन गर्नमा मात्र नीति केन्द्रित छ । सबै जनतालाई स्वच्छ पिउने पानी सुनिश्चित गर्ने तर्फ ध्यान गएको छैन । चिकित्साकर्मीहरुका अनुसार पिउनलाई स्वच्छ पानी उपलब्ध गराईए मात्रै औषधोपचार खर्च आधाले घट्छ । वार्षिक झण्डै ५० अर्ब रुपैयाको औषधि खपत हुनेमा स्वच्छ पानीको व्यवस्था भए २५ अर्ब रुपैया बचत हुन्छ । अझ महत्वपूर्ण कुरा के हो भने बिरामी नागरिकले राष्ट्रिय अर्थतन्त्रमा योगदान गर्नसक्दैनन् ।

यस्तै कृषिमा यति उति लगानि गर्दा पनि उत्पादन नबढेकोमा गुनासो गरेको सुनिन्छ । तर पानीको अभावमा धेरै जसो खेतीयोग्य भूमिमा एक वालीमात्र खेती भैरहेको कुरा ओझेल परेकोछ । बाह्रैमास सिंचाइको उपलब्धता न्यून छ । एक अध्ययन अनुसार खेती गरिएको झण्डै २७ लाख हेक्टर मध्ये १२ लाख हेक्टरमा सिंचाइ हुन्छ (४६%) भने बाह्रैमास सिंचाई हुने भूमिगत प्रणालीबाट ३ लाख हेक्टर जति मात्र सिंचित छ जुन कूल खेती गरिएको भूमिको ११% मात्र हो । बाँकी सिंचाइ वर्षातमा नहरबाट मात्र हुन्छ । अर्थात ११% भूमिमा मात्र सघन खेती हुन्छ भने बाँकी भूमिमा लगभग एक वाली वर्षेखेती मात्र हुन्छ ।

खाद्यान्न सुरक्षाको नारामात्र लगाएर आवश्यक परिमाणमा खाद्यान्न उपलब्ध हुन्न । जनता भोकमरी र अनिकालको शिकार हुन्जेल र यस्तो नहोस् भनेर आयातीत खाद्यान्नमा परनिर्भर हुन्जेल खाद्यान्न सुरक्षा हासिल भएको हुन्न । बाह्रैमास सिंचाई गरेर बहुवाली प्रथा अवलम्बन गरेर सघन खेती गरेमात्र खाद्यान्न उत्पादन बृद्धि भएर खाद्यान्न सुरक्षा हासिल हुन्छ । यसको लागि जलबिद्युत नीति पानीको बहुआयामिक उपयोग गर्नेमा केन्द्रित हुनुपर्छ ।

पानीको विकल्प छैन
स्मरणिय छ कि मनग्गे भएपनि पेट्रोलियम पदार्थबाट सिंचाइ गर्न सकिन्न, न त सागर महासागरको नुनिलो पानीले । पिउनलाई जस्तै सिंचाइको लागि पनि स्वच्छ पानी नैं चाहिन्छ । अर्कोतिर बिद्युत उत्पादन पानीको अलावा पेट्रोलियम पदार्थ, कोइला जस्ता खनिज इन्धन आदिबाट उर्जा उत्पादन गर्न सकिन्छ भने घाम, वायु, मानव÷जनावर आदिको मलमूत्रबाट पनि उर्जा उत्पादन गर्न सकिन्छ जुन स्वच्छ पनि हुन्छ ।

अर्थात पिउन र सिंचाइ गर्न स्वच्छ पानीको कुनै विकल्प छैन भने उर्जा उत्पादन गर्ने धेरै श्रोतहरु छन् । बिद्यमान नीतिले यो ध्रुबसत्यलाई नकारेर पानीको उपयोग भनेको बिद्युत उत्पादन गर्ने भन्नेमा मात्र केन्द्रित छ ।

बहुउद्देश्यीय आयोजना
जलबिद्युत उत्पादनार्थ निर्माण गरिने जलाशययुक्त आयोजनालाई बहुउद्देश्यीय बनाउन सकिएमा पिउने पानी सुरक्षा, खाद्यान्न सुरक्षा हासिल गरेर, मत्स्यपालनबाट पोषणयुक्त खाद्यपदार्थ उपलब्ध गराउने र जलपरिवहन विकास गर्ने सम्भावना पनि उपेक्षित छ ।

हुन त बाँध लगायतका भौतिक संरचना निर्माण गरिएपछि जे आवश्यक ठहर्छ गरे हुन्छ भन्ने मानसिकता हुनसक्छ । तर अन्तरराष्ट्रिय मान्यता प्राप्त बिद्यमान उपभोग्य उपयोगको सिद्धान्त बिस्मृतिमा परेकोछ । नेपालमा जलाशययुक्त आयोजना निर्माण गरेर सुख्खायाममा उत्पादन भएको पानी तल्लो तटीय छिमेकी मुलुकमा उपभोग प्रारम्भ भएपछि नेपालले मेरो पानी मलाई आवश्यक छ भन्न पाउंदैन । जलाशय निर्माण गरेर उत्पादित पानी पनि छिमेकीको अधिकार मानेर छोडी रहनुपर्ने अवस्था आउंछ, रोक्न पाईंदैन । यसको अभ्यास सुडान र मिश्रमा भईरहेकोछ; माथिल्लो तटीय देश सुडानले नील नदीको पानी उपयोग गर्न पाउंदैन मिश्रको अधिकार कायम भैसकेकोले ।
यस सन्दर्भमा बुढी गण्डकीलाई उदाहरणकोरुपमा लिन सकिन्छ । अहिले १२ सय मेगावाट क्षमताको जलाशययुक्त आयोजना निर्माणको क्रममा छ, तर बहुउद्देश्यीय बनाईएको छैन । यसलाई बहुउद्देश्यीय बनाएर नवलपरासी, चितवन, वारा आदि जिल्लाहरुमा सिंचाइको उद्देश्य समेत लिनुपर्ने थियो । आयोजना निर्माण सम्पन्न भईसकेपछि भारतको तल्लो तटीय इलाकामा यसको पानीले सिंचाइ गर्न थालेपछिको अवस्थामा नेपालले नवलपरासी, चितवन, वारा आदि जिल्लाहरुमा सिंचाइको लागि यो आयोजनाबाट उत्पादन हुने ३ सय ५० घनमिटर प्रति सेकेन्ड पानी उपभोग गर्न पाईंदैन; अन्तरराष्ट्रिय कानून उल्लंघन हुनजान्छ ।

तल्लो तटीय लाभ
यो आयोजना निर्माण गर्दा ५ हजार वर्ग किलोमिटर अर्थात ५ लाख हेक्टर जमिन डुबानमा पर्छ र ४५ हजार बासिन्दा विस्थापित हुन्छन् । अर्को शब्दमा यो आयोजनाबाट ३ सय ५० घनमिटर प्रति सेकेन्ड पानी सुख्खायाममा उत्पादन गर्न नेपालले ५ लाख हेक्टर जमिन तिलांजली दिनुपर्छ । यसरी नेपालले त्याग गरेर नेपालमा नैं सिंचाइ गरी खाद्यान्न सुरक्षा हासिल गर्ने उद्देश्य हुनुपथ्र्यो । तर यो आयोजनालाई बहुउद्देश्यीय नबनाईएकोले सुख्खायाममा उत्पादन हुने पानी भारतको पोल्टामा पर्छ । यो पानीले भारतले एक वाली सिंचाइ गरेपछि भारतको बिद्यमान उपभोग्य उपयोगको सिद्धान्त स्थापना हुन्छ र चितवन, नवलपसारी, वारा आदि जिल्लामा यसको पानी उपयोग गरेर सिंचाइ गरे भारतले अन्तरराष्ट्रिय अदालतमा मुद्दा हाल्न सक्छ । या फेरि पनि नाकाबन्दी गर्न सक्छ ।

भारतलाई सुख्खायाममा पानी उपलब्ध गराउने नैं भए क्यानाडा वा लेसोथोले क्रमसः संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका वा दक्षिण अफ्रिकाबाट पानीको मूल्य प्राप्त गरे झै प्राप्त गर्ने व्यवस्था पनि गर्नुपथ्र्यो । त्यसो पनि गरिएकोछैन । जलबिद्युत नीतिले यस सम्बन्धमा कुनै व्यवस्था नगरेकैले गर्दा तलबी कर्मचारी अग्रसर हुन सक्दैनन्, घुस्याहाको त कुरा गर्नै परेन । अनि भारतमुखी राजनीति गर्नेहरु त लम्पसारवादी भैहाले ।

कतिपय नेपालीले बगेको पानीको के को मूल्य भन्छन्, भारतीयहरुले जस्तै । तर यो आयोजना निर्माण पश्चात सुख्खायाममा उत्पादन हुने थप/नियन्त्रित पानी बगेको पानीसंग तुलना गर्न मिल्दैन । यो पानी त नेपालको भूमि डुबानमा पारेर वर्षातमा भण्डारण गरी सुख्खायाममा उत्पादन गरिने पानी हो । नेपालले तिलांजली दिने ५ लाख हेक्टर जमिनबाट कम से कम आगामी ५० वर्ष सम्म उब्जनी हुने कृषि उपज, वन पैदावार आदि सबैबाट नेपाल बंचित हुन्छ । अनि बिस्थापित हुनेलाई मुआब्जा नेपालले दिएर भारतलाई पोस्ने अवस्था आउंछ । यहि कुरा बिस्मृति पारेर बनेकोछ बिद्यमान जलबिद्युत नीति ।

उर्जा सुरक्षाको अवधारणा
सुकिलामुकिला बस्ने ठाउँ लोडसेडिंगमुक्त हुँदैमा उर्जा सुरक्षा हासिल भएको ठहर्दैन भन्ने कुरा ओझेलमा परेकोछ । उर्जा सुरक्षाको धेरै महत्वपूर्ण आयामहरु बिस्मृतिमा परेकोछ, जसमा देहायका तत्वहरु महत्वपूर्ण हुन्छन्ः

* ५० प्रतिशत भन्दा बढी नेपाली जनताको बिद्युतमा पहुँचमा छैन । यिनीहरुको पनि बिद्युतमा पहुँच पुगेपछि मात्र एक हदसम्म उर्जा सुरक्षा हासिल हुन्छ ।
* तराईमा कसैलाई ठूलो हाच्छिउँ आयो भने अथवा भारतको नेतृत्व तहमा कसैलाइ सनक चढ्यो भने नेपालमा पेट्रोलियम पदार्थको अभाव हुन्छ । नेपालको पूरै यातायात प्रणाली भारतबाट आयातीत पेट्रोलियम पदार्थमा निर्भर हुनाले उर्जा सुरक्षाको लागि अधिकांश यातायातको बिद्युतिकरण नभई सम्भव हुन्न ।
* लोडसेडिंगको निराकरण गर्न उद्योगहरुको बिद्युत आपूर्ति केहि घण्टा कटौती गरिएकोछ । उद्योग संचालन नभई रोजगारी सृजना हुन्न । त्यस्तै वस्तु उत्पादन गर्नै पनि उद्योग संचालन गरिनुपर्छ । उत्पादन नगरी न निकासी गर्न सकिन्छ र आयात प्रतिष्थापन नैं । नारा र भाषणमा व्यापार घाटा घटाउने कुरा हुन्छ । आवश्यक मात्रामा बिद्युतीय उर्जाको अभावमा उत्पादन भएर उत्पादन बृद्धि नभई कसरी व्यापार घाटा घट्छ भन्ने प्रश्न गौण पारिएको दुखद छ ।
* कतिपय सिमन्टी उद्योग डिजेल उपयोग गरेर संचालन गरिन्छ भने नयाँ उद्योगको लागि मनग्गे बिजुली उपलब्ध भएकैछैन । औद्योगिकरणको लागि प्रचुरमात्रामा बिद्युत आपूर्ति गर्न सकिएमा मात्र उर्जा सुरक्षा भएको भन्न मिल्छ ।
* तराईमा डिजेल पम्प उपयोग गरेर सिंचाई गरिन्छ, जुन झण्डै ७ सय मेगावाट बराबर छ । यसले गर्दा पनि नेपाल आयातीत पेट्रोलियम पदार्थमा अत्यधिक परनिर्भर छ । सिंचाई लगायतका खेतीकृषिको लागि मनग्गे बिजुली उपलब्ध भएमा उर्जा सुरक्षा हासिल हुन्छ ।
* नेपाल कृषि प्रधान देश हो भनिन्छ तर आवश्यक परेको बेलामा जहिल्यै पनि मलको हाहाकार हुन्छ । कृषिक्षेत्रलाई सघाउने गरेर उद्योगहरु स्थापना भएकै छैन । रासायनिक मल उद्योग उर्जा सघन उद्योग हो भने चिया, जडिबुटी आदि प्रशोधनकोलागि पनि कम बिद्युतिय उर्जाले पुग्दैन । यी सबै कामको लागि यथेष्ट उर्जा सुनिश्चित गर्नसके पछि बल्ल उर्जा सुरक्षाको नारा सार्थक हुन्छ ।
* उर्जा सुरक्षाको हिसाबबाट सबभन्दा उपेक्षित भान्छा हो । शहरहरुमा खानापकाउने ग्याँस प्रयोग गरिन्छ भने ग्रामिण गृहणीहरु दाउरा बालेर आन्तरिक प्रदुषणको शिकार बनेर अकालमा ज्यान गुमाउँछन् वा दीर्घ रोगी भएर जीवनयापन गर्छन् । वन बिनासको अलावा दाउरा संकलनमै वार्षिक ४५ करोड कार्यदिन खेर गई जान्छ । भान्छाबाट दाउरा र खाना पकाउने ग्याँस बिस्थापन गर्नसके मात्र साँचो अर्थमा उर्जा सुरक्षा हासिल हुन्छ । अनि खाना पकाउने ग्यांस बिस्थापित गर्न मात्रै ७ सय मेगावाट भन्दा बढी बिजुली आवश्यक हुन्छ भनिन्छ ।

उर्जा माँग प्रक्षेपण
राष्ट्रिय योजना आयोग र लगानि बोर्डले सन् २०३० मा नेपाललाई कति बिद्युतिय उर्जा आवश्यक हुन्छ भनेर गरेको अध्ययन प्रतिबेदन हालै सार्वजनिक गरेकोछ । उक्त प्रतिबेदन अनुसार सन् २०३० मा १० हजार ९२ मेगावाट आवश्यक पर्ने ठह¥याएकोछ । तर यो अध्ययनको ठूलो कमजोरी के हो भने ग्रामिण भान्छाबाट दाउरा बिस्थापन गर्ने र यातायात क्षेत्रले खपत गर्ने खनिज इन्धनलाई बिद्युतिय उर्जाले पूर्णतः प्रतिस्थापन गर्ने लक्ष्य नलिनु ।

जब सम्म नेपालकै आफ्नै पानीले उत्पादन हुनसक्ने बिजुलीले जीवनका सबै कृयाकलापबाट आयातीत खनिज इनधनमा आधारित उर्जालाई बिस्थापन गर्न सकिन्न तब सम्म उर्जा सुरक्षा हासिल हुन्न । नेपालमा उत्पादन नहुने वस्तुको लागि परनिर्भर हुनु बाध्यता हो । तर नेपालमा उत्पादन हुनसक्ने उर्जाको लागि समेत परनिर्भर रहनु मुर्खता हो ।

जलबिद्युत नीति
जलबिद्युत नीति राष्ट्रियहितमा तब मात्र बन्छ जब पिउनको लागि र सिंचाइको लागि स्वच्छ पानी सुनिश्चित गरेर नेपालमा समग्रतामा नैं उर्जाका अन्य श्रोतहरु दाउरा देखि खनिज इन्धन सम्म बिस्थापित हुने गरेर उर्जा सुरक्षा हासिल गर्ने गरेर नीति निर्माण हुन्छ ।
Ratna Sansar Shrestha
२०७३ चैत २७ गते नागरिकमा प्रकाशित

LARGE HYDRO: FAILURE IN FINANCIAL ENGINEERING

Abstract
Financial engineering is every bit as important as other kinds of engineering – civil, electrical and mechanical that normally command all the attention for hydropower projects, to ensure that on the macro-hand, they do not have an adverse effect on Nepal's overall economy and, on the micro-hand, that the ultimate users of the electricity are not ripped-off by having all the inefficiencies and unnecessary costs loaded onto their retail tariffs. A project is successfully engineered financially, we can say, when it is completed within the initially estimated cost (not one on the higher to ensure post-completion pat on the back for being able to save, nor lower one to “seduce” decision makers to implement the project) and within the stipulated time. Khimti project is an example that didn’t suffer both from time and cost overrun. But projects implemented by GoN/NEA like Kulekhani 1, Marsyangdi, Kali Gandaki A and Middle Marsyangdi suffered from substantial amount of time overrun entailing huge loss of revenue. But in completion evaluations loss of revenue due to time overrun is not even considered. While Kulekhani 1 and Middle Marsyangdi suffered from cost overrun too. Marsyangdi and Kali Gandaki A did not incur cost overrun as cost estimate for these were on the higher side.

Against the conventional wisdom ascribing load shedding in Nepal to cancellation of Arun 3, it turns out that its non-cancellation would have resulted in severe load shedding. With the cancellation of 201MW Arun 3, NEA alone succeeded to add 228.8MW (with projects that were mutually exclusive from the perspective of financing and covenant of not building project larger 10MW) and IPPs another 149MW by (if other IPP projects that got built due to “trophy-wife” syndrome is accounted for incremental installed capacity due to cancellation of Arun 3 is 499.8MW) by 2015.

Use of ERR (economic rate of return) to assess overall impact on country’s economy results in a stunted picture inducing to implement projects structured badly. Better toolkit for the purpose is an analysis from the perspective of economic linkages (forward, backward, investment and fiscal linkages) and if West Seti project had been implemented in the format and structure proposed by Snowy Mountain Engineering Corporation, Nepal would have been deprived of major benefits from economic linkages. This project should be implemented with an eye on wholesome impact on Nepal’s economy from the economic linkages.

The fault manifest in the failure in financial engineering cannot solely be attributed to Nepal’s hydrocrats, donorcracy is equally responsible. Donors are also partners in crime for ramming bad projects through gullible throats of Nepal’s hydrocracy.

“Licensed larceny” in Nepal’s context

Nicholas Hildyard has authored an interesting book titled “licensed larceny”, the theme being “infrastructure, financial extraction and the Global South”, intending to “mise-en-scène” (arrange on stage) the injustices of wealth; published by Manchester University Press in 2016.



People are licensed to drive vehicles, fly aircraft even to practice legal, medical professions. But with the advent of liberalization, people/entities get licensed not only to build, own and operate hydropower plants and sell electricity in bulk to a utility but also construct toll road, bridges, etc. and charge for their use. On the other hand “larceny” is defined by Merriam-Webster Dictionary as “the unlawful taking of personal property with intent to deprive the rightful owner of it permanently.”

Million-dollar question is how can people/entities be licensed for larceny! That too licensed by the very government of a country! The author has elucidated his theme in a very interesting manner. The objective of this article is to see if licensed larceny exists in Nepal. The author mentions a number of bases to arrive at the inference. However, due to time/space constraint only a few bases are reviewed in this article from Nepal’s perspective.

“Normal” financial extraction
The wage differential ratio of CEOs and lowest salaried employee till 1970s was 20:1 but now it has increased exponentially to 300:1. Even in Nepal the ratio is over 210:1 (lowest salary is around Rs 10,000 a month while highest is over Rs 2 million/month). It is amazing that all this is happening with benign blessing of government/s, including in Nepal. The question author asks is: is such an activity licensed by governments?

The author, looking at “western” economies, says that “private rate of return on capital tends to be significantly higher for long periods of time than the rate of growth of income and output” of respective economies. “Private wealth grows at 5% but the economy grows only at 1% - the rich have gains of 4% which they can use to make more wealth.” In Nepal’s context wealthy become wealthier by around 9 to 10%, while economy has been slugging around at less than 5%. Clearly, filthy rich are becoming richer (or rather filthier!) by day while unfortunate poor are struggling to make two ends meet day in day out. This snowballs over time as the wealthy become “more dominant over those who own nothing but their labor – the past devouring the future.” Effectively, those that own just their labor get bilked by the wealthy.

The author also opines that “rich are rich largely because they have inherited large fortunes.” But it is not universally true and there are a few self-made multi-billionaires too. But these people didn’t make money out of thin air. It would not be absolutely incorrect to see the role of licensed larceny in amassing such fortunes over an extremely short span of time.

While the oft-repeated cliché is “be patient, a rising tide will lift all boats,” (this is how “have not’s” have been consoled, but almost one-half of the world population of 7 billion don’t have “boat”! Thus the “boat-less” people will be drowned by the rising tide, instead.

Public private partnership
The author comes down heavily against PPP (public private partnership) mechanism, which has become latest fad, including with multilateral/s, as investment modality, which effectively becomes toolkit for licensed larceny. PPP is a modality to attract private money in partnership/collaboration with public sector. It is truly an effective mechanism to mobilize funding, especially to set up industries and construct infrastructure. But most of the time “public is private and private is public”. In other words, “what appears to be ‘private’ is in fact public or quasi public.” The term ‘public’ not only encompasses public sector (implying government) but also, unsuspecting, general public. In the name of roping in investment from general public, the promoter/developer would collect money from general public and use it as their own. The exposure to risk falls on the general public while benefit get skimmed by the private promoter/s who retain control over management. Private begins with experience and public with money and in the end public become experienced having lost money and private laughs all the way to the bank.

The point can be elucidated by citing a specific case. There was a spinning Mill in Nepal’s mid-Tarai that manufactured and supplied textile yarns (PSY, P/V, ASF and cotton yarns); established in 1989 and liquidated in 2012. In early 90s it had ordinary equity of Rs 127 million and Rs 67 million in preferred equity. In 1994 loan from consortium of banks in Nepal stood at Rs 257 million while Asian Development Bank (ADB) had loaned Rs 109.8 million. Similarly it had raised 14% Debenture of Rs 8.26 million and Rs 15% debenture of 6 million; totaling Rs 14.3 million. In total the Mill had mobilized over half a billion rupees from public and quasi-public sources.

Subsequent to its liquidation almost all banks in Nepal (members of the consortium) and ADB were forced to write off outstanding loan and most of the general public shareholders and debenture-holders lost almost all of their money invested in the Mill. It has been reported that a new company incorporated by same promoter (a renowned business house) succeeded to buy all fixed assets of the Mill inter alia land, factory premises including other buildings, plant machinery, equipment, etc. at rock bottom price and a new Mill was established in the ownership of same business house. In sum “public” ended up holding scraps of paper not worth the paper it is printed on and the business house creamed off everything else. The business house now is wealthier while general public owning shares and debentures lost their savings. Similarly, with banks writing off loan, the owners/depositors of such banks got creamed off. Further, ADB having to write off the loan implies that the fund that would have been available for poverty alleviation of actual poor ended up alleviating “poverty” of a rich business house.

This is a typical case of “public” [(1) general public, (2) private sector banks holding deposit of general public and invested in by general public and multilateral financial institution (ADB)] being exposed to all risk and bearing all such risk while the private sector ends up sitting pretty. The toad’s eye perspective would be public impoverished due to this Mill and the private “investor” actually enriched.

It is sort of norm for private investor to use public fund and profit therefrom without investing their own money. But in this instance the private “investor” not only used public fund effectively to successfully “run” down the Mill but also ended up owning the Mill comprising landed property, equipment, plant machinery, etc. free of workers that supposedly created problem in operating the Mill. An excellent example that defies figure of speech that "You can't eat your cake, and have it too."

There are other modalities of how private sector piggy backs on public resources and skims off. Typically public sector would be made to invest in kind, mainly in real estate (land), and private “investor” would use such “property” as collateral to borrow to finance the venture; private investor effectively/successfully avoids exposing itself to risks. In several cases real estate put in by public sector as equity investment in kind is used to borrow money to build factory premises/building, which again gets mortgaged to borrow money for equipment against which also loan will be taken for working capital. Private sector would further leverage to mobilize additional fund by floating share, ordinary/preferred, and raising bond/debenture etc. as well, to cast the net wider.

Next part of the story would be if such a venture bites dust the public entity investing in kind would lose its landed property, while private “investor” would simply dust off and move on without a dent (also keep what it skimmed off in the interim).

Infrastructure as financial extraction
Mr. Hildyard also is not too kind to use of infrastructure as a mean of financial extraction. With the liberalization of hydropower sector in Nepal in 1992 a number of independent power producers (IPPs) have built hydropower plants in Nepal. Himal Power Ltd. (HPL) is the pioneer in this field which has built hydropower plant (60 MW) on Khimti River, which has been in the eye of storm due to things like revenue stream based on contract energy, sovereign guarantee, take or pay contract etc. incorporated in power purchase agreement (PPA). GoN had awarded license to HPL to build, own and operate the plant and is required to handover the plant after license period.

Although HPL is a public limited company, it doesn’t make its financial information public; taking advantage of the fact that it is a closely held company as it has not raised share capital from general public. Therefore, there is no way to ascertain how well it is performing. There is an indirect way to assess its performance. Butwal Power Company has invested Rs 434.93 million in equity in HPL (about 17%) and in 2015/16 it received a dividend of Rs 531.77 million; a handsome return on investment of 122% (a hundred and twenty-two percent! Wow!!). Other main owners of HPL are Norwegian: Statkraft owns 57% and BKK 26%. As Statkraft owns 49.9% of BKK (rest owned by 17 municipalities), Statkraft effectively owns almost 70% of HPL. As the Norwegian investors have invested in HPL in convertible currency and, therefore, the rate of return would be a little lower compared to BPC due to devaluation of Nepali currency.

The question that begs answer is, does such a high return on investment amount to being unconscionable, hence “financial extraction” in the context of “licensed larceny”? HPL earns its profit by selling electricity to Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) under PPA signed in March 1994 (amended in January 1996), which has been roundly condemned by all concerned and it was asserted that NEA is bearing huge financial burden due to the PPA and incurring loss. The PPA is denominated in US dollars, subject to tariff escalation based on consumer price index (CPI) of New York, USA and protected by “change in legislation” provision that insulates HPL from increases in tax rates in Nepal. Further, NEA is required to buy all power according to contract energy schedule irrespective of whether it can use/sell; it still has to pay if it is not able/willing to receive power (in early 2000 NEA had to, reportedly, shut down its power stations that generated cheaper power to enable it to buy power from HPL). This certainly looks like best one-sided deal of record.

An important and sensitive question here is: isn’t it unconscionable for a wealthy country like Norway (her sovereign wealth fund amounts to whopping US$ 885 billion) to bilk a dirt-poor country like Nepal? [Statkraft is fully owned by Norwegian government.]

Licensed larceny in other sectors
Licensed larceny is not limited to manufacturing and infrastructure sector. It is rampant everywhere in Nepal; highly pervasive too. To illustrate, gold and silver jewelry sellers cheat both on quality and quantity. Adulteration of petroleum product and short supply thereof is the norm at every stage: transportation, storage and distribution. The list is very long. But what takes the cake is the fact that if state/regulator takes action against such activities, the larcenists blackmail the consumers as well as the state and force to “surrender”. Therefore, these are turning into state sanctioned larceny.

Published in Peoples Review on March 2, 2017

Hydropower Policy – A Critique

In 1992 government of Nepal (GoN) formulated Hydropower Development Policy and also promulgated Electricity Act and Water Resources Act. The following four reasons were cited as the rationale for the formulation of the Policy:

1. “It is necessary to make alternative arrangement to meet the interim demand of the country till the above projects come into operation”. In this excerpt, the words “above projects” were used in reference to Arun-III (402 MW ) and Kali Gandaki (100 MW) , which were expected to “be executed within a period of 7-12 years.”

2. “It is also necessary to construct new small hydroelectric projects to meet the demand of those hilly and remote Himalayan regions where the national electricity system has not been extended or would not be extended in the near future.”

3. “It is utmost necessary to extend proper distribution system in the rural areas where electrification has not been done, and

4. In order “to develop hydropower of the country by motivating national and foreign private investors in the electricity sector.”

The first two rationales, basically, focused on making alternative arrangements to meet the interim demand while Arun-III and Kali Gandaki A projects were under construction, by ensuring construction of small projects to serve hilly and remote Himalayan areas. However, the enabling law, the Electricity Act, 1992, does not suffer from such limitation; it was not intended to address just the interim requirement. Under this legal environment Khimti, Upper Bhote Koshi, and Indrawati III (totaling 112.5 MW) were constructed with foreign investment while a number of other projects have been built with local finance.
It is heartwarming to note that the policy heralding private investment in the power sector in Nepal have had a successful trial. However, it needs improvement in a stratified manner so that each improvement reinforces the policy for the betterment. The policy works as a fulcrum in attracting private investments in the sector. Nepal is facing power shortage herself, and the huge power deficit in the neighboring India also affords a market for the excess hydropower generated in Nepal. In order to ensure that the planned capacity addition is realized to enable NEA to meet ever-increasing demand for electricity domestically as well as in the neighborhood, the policy needs to be rationalized and also made more responsive to the needs of potential private investors from Nepal and abroad.

Changes based on Lessons Learnt
In 2001 a new policy (Hydropower Development Policy, 2001) was formulated to revise and improve the hydropower policy based on the (a) experience gained in the course of implementing the principles followed by the original policy, (b) emerging concepts in the international market and their impacts, (c) technological development, (d) possibility of export of hydropower, (e) possibility of foreign investment, and (f) commitment to environmental protection with a view to making it clear, transparent, practical, and investment-friendly. It was formulated to achieve following objectives :

1. “To generate electricity at low cost by utilizing the water resources available in the country.

2. To extend reliable and qualitative electric services throughout the Kingdom of Nepal at a reasonable price.

3. To tie-up electrification with the economic activities.

4. To render support to the development of rural economy by extending the rural electrification.

5. To develop hydropower as an exportable commodity.”

1. Salient Features
The new policy concept lays down strategies for its implementation. It has made provisions concerning the environment, water rights, investment in generation, transmission, and distribution, power purchase, etc. to attract investments from within and outside Nepal. It stipulates mandatory release of at least 10% of the minimum monthly downstream discharge of the river or stream by a project as environmental flow. In case its environmental impact assessment (EIA) study report calls for higher quantum as environmental flow, then the project is obliged to release that quantum of. There is also provision for acquiring necessary private and public land for implementation of the project, and the government is obliged to assist developers in this respect. A developer is made responsible for the rehabilitation and resettlement of any family that is displaced in the course of construction of power plant, transmission and distribution network, as specified by the GoN, at the cost of the project proponent.

The policy has also made provision for preventing adverse impact on the availability of water or water rights of the project for which license has been obtained or license is not required. It envisages issuing licenses for study or survey as well as implementation of projects for generation, transmission and distribution of electricity, including captive generation. The policy stipulates specific timeframe within which license are to be issued. The survey license is for a period of five years while generation license will have a term of 30 to 35 years. Similarly, the term of the electricity transmission and distribution license is to be 25 years. The policy has waived the license requirement for projects of up to 1 MW.

There is provision for providing 50% of the royalty obtained by GoN from hydropower projects to the VDCs and districts that are directly affected by the power projects. The policy also envisages handing over responsibility of operation and management of small hydropower plants in mountainous rural areas outside the national power system to community groups.

2. Build, Own, Operate, and Transfer
The policy’s fulcrum is the provision related to build, own, operate, and transfer (BOOT) concept, making it mandatory for the transfer of the project to GoN in good running condition after expiry of license period without any compensation. Under the policy, a hydropower site has been treated in parallel to a concession and owner’s title right over the power plant devolves to GoN upon completion of the term of the license. In order to ensure “good running” condition of such assets, the regulatory body (yet to be constituted) has been empowered to prescribe guidelines for repair and maintenance of main electric equipment and structure. The policy has also made provision for the involvement of GoN in the operation two years before the handover of the project.

Except in the case of captive plant, and where the plant owner directly uses the electricity, the policy has made it mandatory to execute a PPA to sell energy. By doing so the policy has failed to recognize that private sector investors also do implement merchant plant which will not sign PPA in advance; rather such plants are operated during the times of high tariff and are not operated when the tariff affords marginal return. The policy also has stipulated that the PPA shall be transparent.

In order to encourage foreign investments in the sector, provision has been made for granting non-tourist visa and work permit to investors, their representatives, experts, skilled personnel, and their families. Besides, the policy encourages hydropower projects to use Nepali labor, skills, means, and resources to the maximum extent possible in order to ensure that the benefit accruing from the backward linkage does percolate into the economy. Similarly it also guarantees against the nationalization of power plants and against revocation of a license in contravention of the terms of the license.

3. Fiscal Provisions
The policy provides for two-tier capacity and energy royalty with annual escalation of the latter by 5%. The rate regime is different for up to 15 years and after 15 years. Unlike the previous policy, it prescribes different rates for projects of different sizes, like 1 to 10 MW, 10 to 100 MW, above 100 MW, captive use project, export-oriented project, storage project etc. In India, an IPP is required to pay nominal water use charges and, additionally, has to provide 12% free power to the host State. However, an IPP in Nepal has to pay only a combined capacity and energy royalty and no free power is required to be provided. Compared to the nominal rates in Nepal, what an IPP has to pay in cash and kind in India is exorbitantly high, which has far-reaching implications for the economy—from high development costs to high prices that consumers have to ultimately pay for electricity or the macro economy has to internalize.

The policy has made provision to charge only a nominal 1% custom duty on the import of plant, machinery, equipment and spares for the construction or erection of the project. It has also made provision for the exemption of VAT on the import of these items.

According to the policy, custom duty and VAT facilities are also available for upgrading the capacity of a plant or for its necessary repair and maintenance because of exigency or natural calamity. It also guarantees that no tax, duty or governmental revenue in any form or title other than those levied in accordance with the agreement executed at the time of issue of license will be levied.

Moreover, the policy has made provision for exemption of income tax (also included in previous policy also). However, it was withdrawn by Income Tax Act, 2001 only to be reinstated with some modification by Finance Act, 2009 under which projects commissioned by April 13, 2019 are entitled to income tax holiday for first 7 years and a reduction by 50% for next 3 years.

4. Repatriation
Under this policy, GoN makes firm commitment to assure repatriation for debt servicing (payment of interest and repayment of principal) and as return on equity, and the proceeds from the sale of such equity in the case of foreign investment.

5. Institutional Mechanism
The policy envisages developing the Electricity Tariff Fixation Commission (ETFC) into a regulatory body to regulate the sector and also fix electricity tariffs and wheeling charges . Under the policy, the private sector is entitled to use the national grid on payment of a fee (wheeling charge). Similarly, it has reposed the responsibility of study and promotion to Department of Electricity Development (DoED), which is also a licensing authority. Water and Energy Commission Secretariat is to prepare a national load forecast, carry out system planning study, conduct preliminary identification of hydropower projects, conduct various policy research, etc. Electric Energy Management Research Institute is also to be set up.

Incidentally, Electricity Act 1992, promulgated to implement previous policy, has not been updated/changed to make it compatible with new policy.

Critique of Policy
There are a number of areas in the policy that warrant improvement. This paper tries to deal with some important ones in the following sections.

1. Enforceability of the Policy
The Electricity Act, 1992 was promulgated to make previous policy enforceable. In other words, the Act “implements” the vision enshrined in the Policy. In October 2001, GoN promulgated new policy, which supplanted the earlier policy. However, GoN is yet to effect changes in relevant legislation, including in the Electricity Act, 1992, thereby rendering the new policy (of 2001) unenforceable.

There are contradictions between the new Policy and the existing Act. This is sowing a lot of confusion in the private investors, and, therefore, inhibiting it from playing a significant role in hydropower sector. The new policy has made several changes to the existing policy, but when it comes to implementation, it is still the Electricity Act of 1992 that gets implemented. As an example, we can take the case of royalty. The new policy stipulates that energy royalty of 1.75% and 1.85% respectively to be charged to projects from 1 to 10 MW and from 10 to 100 MW sizes for first 15 years. But GoN is still charging 2% energy royalty to projects of all sizes in accordance with Electricity Act, 1992. Such a state of affairs discourages private investors.

2. Lack of stability and predictability in policy
Section 12(3) of the Electricity Act, 1992 stipulates “hydro electricity generation, transmission and distribution shall be exempted from income tax for fifteen years from the date of generation, transmission and distribution of electricity for commercial purposes.” A number of projects have been built, being attracted by this exemption, and they are already enjoying the “income tax holiday.” But this facility was withdrawn in March 2001.

Income tax is a tax that is paid only if there is some income: no income, no income tax. Therefore, revenue officials have been doing their best to downplay the impact of the withdrawal of such exemption. Except for some marginal sites, the impact of having to pay income tax at the rate of 20% (a concessional rate against the corporate rate of 25%) may not be that substantial. But the issue is that of stability and predictability of the policy, and the issue of income tax is just an example. Investors all over the world look out for stability and predictability in the policy under which they have to operate. This holds true more so in the case of infrastructure projects that are capital-intensive with relatively long gestation (construction) period and are long-term investments (recovery of investment with return possible only over a long time). Therefore, this particular step has been discouraging potential investors.

3. Lack of Vision for Energy Security
Electricity is one of the sources of energy and other non-renewable and unclean sources of energy are also used in Nepal, besides other renewable sources like sun, wind, biogas/biomass, etc. Traditional sources like firewood, agricultural residue, animal residue, etc. constituted 55% in FY 2015/16 and 40% of energy requirement is met by modern but unclean sources like coal and petroleum product. Electricity and renewables constitutes only 5%.

The nature has endowed Nepal with water resource aplenty but “forgot” to provide any fossil fuel like coal, gas, etc. Therefore, this policy should have focused on achieving energy security by harnessing water resource for most need, including displacement of fossil fuel and firewood; not only for lighting but also for industrialization, electrification of transportation and electric cooking
But sadly the policy has failed badly in this respect.

4. Failure to capture positive externalities
Hydropower development does not mean building only run of the river projects; reservoir projects play much important role in meeting dry season demand (generates high value electricity). Such projects also generate positive externalities like lean season augmented flow in the downstream areas availing much needed water for human consumption, irrigation, fisheries etc. besides controlling flood during wet season. But the policy has completely ignored this facet of water use, which is criminal as there is no alternative to fresh water for water security and food security while there are both clean and unclean alternative for energy generation.

5. Faulty licensing policy
By November 30, 2016 GoN has already issued 276 licenses for an assortment of projects of various sizes in total for about 5,914 MW as detailed below:

Status of Survey Licenses Issued

Capacity range Number of projects Total Installed capacity
Up to 1 MW 172 121.98
1 to 25 MW 75 626.03
25 to 100 MW 16 933.61
Above 100 MW 13 4,232.7
Total 276 5,914.32

And 117 Generation Licenses were issued for total installed capacity of 3,340.95 MW. However, so far only 50 projects with total installed capacity of 324.446 MW have been commissioned, while the country is facing load shedding problem caused by demand and supply mismatch. While only 91 projects with total installed capacity of 1,721.53 is under constriction. A sad show compared to licenses issued for almost 400 projects with installed capacity totaling over 7,500 MW.

This is one of the main problems in the licensing policy. The current policy is to issue license for hydropower projects, irrespective of whether for domestic consumption or export, on “first come first serve” basis. People approaching GoN for license for any particular site can walk away with one if they are able to satisfy certain requirements.

There is not much to show for the huge number of licenses that have been issued. One meets people ranging from wanting to sell a license for a “price” to looking for a partner while the license holder is not able to mobilize even 10% of the required equity (even under the 75:25 debt equity ratio) on their own. On the other hand those who have financial strength to build hydropower projects have no access to licenses.

This phenomenon exists due to the fact that the policy is bereft of a mechanism to ensure that the applicant has access to necessary resources to implement the project. This problem has deprived genuine investors of potential sites and blocked the generation of electricity and thus the development of power sector thereby exacerbating power crisis. Similarly, such rent-seeking attitude of the license holders without financial strength is also additionally depriving the national treasury of the royalty revenue, which would have started flowing in had the policy made better provision to screen the applicants’ financial capabilities to implement a project.

6. Hindrances to dispute settlement
The Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act (FITTA), 1992 had no provision for the selection of foreign governing law for dispute settlement. For the proponents of the Khimti project, pioneer foreign investors, it was a sine qua non; they were unwilling to invest in Nepal unless they were allowed to choose foreign law to govern various contracts. Therefore, Subsection (4) was added to Section 7 of FITTA in January 1996, in order to afford foreign investors an opportunity to choose foreign jurisdiction for dispute settlement. As Nepal has already signed the New York Convention on Arbitration, an arbitral award made in any country is enforceable in Nepal as long as the arbitration is conducted under the laws of the country where the venue of arbitration is located. This is one of the effective modes of dispute settlement. But the same cannot be said of other modes of dispute settlement.

Although, such a foreign investor is entitled to choose laws of any country, the decision of the foreign court is not enforceable in Nepal. The point can be illustrated with an example of a foreign investor, having exercised the right to choose English law, will have to go to a court in England to settle dispute if s/he opts for the judicial settlement of dispute instead of arbitration. If the English court were to hand down a verdict in her/his favor, s/he would need the assistance of a Nepali court to enforce the verdict of English court in Nepal. However, the verdict of the English court, for that matter any foreign court, is not enforceable in Nepal.

Similarly, the liberty to choose foreign law implies that the investor exercising such choice will be entitled to adjudication under the law of that country even in the host country, too, where the project is located. But it is not even worth imagining that a court of Nepal will apply, for example Norwegian laws in the settlement of disputes; most in Nepal don’t even understand Norwegian language. In view of this, the liberty to choose foreign jurisdiction becomes ineffective.

Once foreign jurisdiction for the settlement of disputes under a contract has been chosen, a court in Nepal will not adjudicate a dispute under such contract even under Nepal law, as the governing law of the contract, freely chosen by the contracting parties, is the law of a country other than Nepal.

7. Import duty facility at the cost of the economy
Pursuant to Clause 6.14.2 of the HDP 2001, no VAT is levied on the machinery, equipment, and spares thereof imported for a hydropower project. Similarly, Clause 6.14.3 of the policy waives customs duty on the import of machinery, equipment, and spares (except for the nominal 1%). This is a welcome provision in as much as attracting private investment is concerned. But due to such waiver, imported machinery, equipment, and spares become cheaper compared to domestic production because of which, Nepal fails to take advantage of the backward economic linkage. The investments made in the hydropower project will not percolate into Nepal’s economy by way of backward linkage.

8. Sovereign guarantee and PPA
It is well known that government guarantee is met with disapproval from multilateral FIs in general. However, in order to perfect the security for hydropower projects, like Khimti and Upper Bhote Koshi, GoN had to provide counter guarantee, without which these projects would not have been implemented (these were financed by multi-laterals like International Finance Corporation, Asian Development Bank, etc. who themselves generally frown upon GoN issuing sovereign guarantee). In providing the sovereign guarantee as such, GoN has unconditionally and irrevocably guaranteed that NEA shall perform all of its obligations in time under the PPA to the proponents of these projects. If NEA is to fail, GoN is committed to pay the IPP the dues owed by NEA to the extent that GoN even foregoes its right of immunity as a sovereign government, citing the reason that the transaction contemplated by the PPA is of commercial nature.
However, such guarantee has not, generally, been available to domestic investors. It shows lack of a level playing field, as well.

9. Autonomy of NEA
Pursuant to Section 4(1) of the Nepal Electricity Authority Act, 1984, NEA is an autonomous corporate entity. But, in practice, NEA does not get to exercise such autonomy most of the time. As the entire ownership of NEA vests with GoN, it is logical for it to receive policy directions from GoN through the board of directors (either ex officio representative of GoN or nominees of GoN) from time to time. But, NEA receiving executive instructions (non policy related) at times from GoN functionaries, oral or otherwise, amounts to the impairment of its autonomy.

The total installed capacity in NEA system is 855.886 MW , of which it owns hydropower plants with total installed capacity of 531.44 MW making it responsible for operation of these power plants totaling while it needs to take care of the transmission and distribution of the total installed capacity in the system. In view of this, its 10,000-strong workforce is a case of over-staffing. With the change of every government, a number of people are invariably hired (with a few exceptions). When Rajiv Gandhi, late prime minister of India, declared, “These are not Electricity Boards, but Employment Boards,” he could very much have been referring to NEA.

Even the appointment of NEA’s board members is done by MoE in a non-transparent and non-competitive manner without regard to academic qualification, experience and exposure. Furthermore, the Board has no say in the appointment of chief executive. All these are manifestations of encroachment on the autonomy of NEA, and it reflects poorly on the sector.

10. One-Window policy
It is a common practice to set up a “one-window” institution to develop a particular sector. In Nepal, too, the policy envisages setting up such a window and designates DoED as the one-window for hydropower projects. However, investors need to secure permits and approvals from many other agencies under the GoN, and DoED just works as a conduit for a developer to approach various other agencies within the government system. This has resulted in cumbersome processes, taking unduly long time, which has disenchanted/discouraged the existing IPPs as well as potential investors.

11. Regulatory Body
Regulatory body is the pivot of implementation of hydropower development policy. It simply doesn’t exist, nor has legislation for it been promulgated. Electricity Tariff Fixation Commission regulates just the tariff.

Recommendation

1. In order to eliminate existing anomaly, obviously, new law conforming to HPD 2001 needs to be promulgated forthwith.

2. The new policy assures that no change that will adversely impact the investors will be effected. But for want of legislation, this welcome piece of policy is not enforceable yet. The legislation which will make the policy that has this clause enforceable should be passed forthwith.

3. The policy needs to “shift gear” to achieve energy security in Nepal rather than excessive focus on export. Obviously, energy security doesn’t just mean no load shedding not only in the case of people with access to electricity but also to those without. It should focus on displacement of fossil fuel in the transport sector and kitchen including fire wood.

4. License for hydropower projects should not be issued to anyone and everyone walking in with an application. GoN needs to develop a mechanism whereby license is issued to only those who can show proof of their ability to invest a substantial portion of the estimated cost of the project. This can be implemented by requiring, for example, bank guarantee covering 10% of the estimated project cost. Such bank guarantee should be forfeited if the applicant doesn’t implement the project, which could be tantamount to recovery of royalty revenue to GoN, that it is deprived from by the failure of the licensee to implement the project.

Moreover, project licenses should be awarded on the competitive basis such that project is commissioned sooner and better revenue to GoN is assured.

5. In order to make the liberty to choose foreign jurisdiction for the settlement of disputes effective, GoN should make arrangements to allow the private sector investors to avail of all avenues of dispute settlement by, for example, allowing courts in Nepal to implement the verdicts of foreign courts.

6. In order to enable the economy to absorb the investments in capital-intensive projects, thereby reaping the benefits of backward linkage, GoN needs to provide import duty facility to only those items that cannot be manufactured or produced in Nepal in a cost-effective manner and of required quality in necessary quantum and when needed.

7. As GoN furnishing sovereign guarantee causes distortions and also because the instrument does not belong to the age of economic liberalization, it should not be provided at all. If GoN thinks that sovereign guarantee needs to be provided to accelerate the development of the power sector, then it should be provided only for a limited fixed duration and ensuring level playing field.

8. In order to ensure that NEA actually enjoys the autonomy guaranteed to it by legislation, political interference of any type should be prohibited in the NEA. GoN should constitute a professional board comprising members with requisite education, experience and exposure for a fixed term. The board should be allowed to manage NEA professionally and also should be held accountable.
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One reason behind the high level of political interference in NEA is that a minister chairs the board. Both the chairperson and other members, as well as the executive director, should be chosen through a transparent and competitive process with provision for public hearings.

9. It makes no sense to make provision fora “one-window” agency when such an agency is actually not able to function as one. In order to ensure that the power sector projects move on a real fast track, the one-window system should be implemented in the real sense. The turf wars between various agencies of the government can be eliminated by letting all departments concerned delegate necessary authority to DoED at the time of issuing license itself.

10. Legislation for regulatory body needs to be promulgated forthwith and such a body needs to be formed with further delay.
Conclusion

It goes without saying that having a policy that cannot be implemented does not make sense. Besides, as Nepal is not endowed with mineral resource while nature has bestowed her with ample water resource, Nepal should strive to achieve energy security by harnessing water at the optimum level.

Published in Hydro Nepal Journal of January 2017

Parliamentary Ratification of PDAs

SAARC Power Trade Agreement (PTA), signed on November 27, 2014, was ratified by Nepal’s parliament on August 29, 2016 under Article 279 of Nepal’s Constitution, which paved path for SAARC member countries to sell and purchase electricity amongst them.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION
Sub Article (1) of Article 279 makes provision for ratification of treaties or agreement to which the State of Nepal or the Government of Nepal is a party. Sub Article 2 stipulates that treaties or agreements dealing with (a) peace and friendship, (b) security and strategic alliance, (c) the boundaries of Nepal and (d) sharing of (i) natural resources or (ii) their uses. It also specifies that treaties/agreements with far-reaching, grave or long-term impact shall be ratified by two third majority of the total members of the parliament; otherwise will have to be ratified by simple majority.

Therefore, treaties/agreements signed by state/government of Nepal related to sharing of natural resource or sharing of uses of natural resources are required to be ratified by the parliament. With regard to water resource, sharing of it signifies assigning one particular river to one party and another river to another party. While sharing of uses of water resources connote sharing of, for example electricity generated by using water resource. Electricity trading is tantamount to sharing of natural resources and for this very reason SAARC PTA required parliamentary approval. Since there is no provision as such in Indian constitution, India didn’t need to ratify SAARC PTA.

Parliamentary Ratification of PDAs
However, project development agreements (PDAs) for export oriented projects like Arun III, Upper Karnali, etc. have not been ratified by the parliament yet. Superficially, these agreements do not deal with export of power – sharing of use of natural resource. But these PDAs are to implement export-oriented projects and the developer would export power from these projects upon completion; use natural resource, water, to generate power and export electricity (sharing of use of natural resource) in the same way as under SAARC PTA. Therefore, these PDAs need ratification by the parliament.

Failure as such has not only resulted in breach of constitution but also resulted in infringement of authority of parliament, thus undermining it. Parliamentarians are known to raise ruckus when they do not like food served in the canteen in the parliament premises. But they kept resoundingly silent in the matter of parliamentary ratification of PDAs. Trust legislature is not performing the function of an accomplice of executive in this aberration.

History of Parliamentary Ratification
In all constitutions promulgated prior to 1990, there was no provision for parliamentary ratification. Perhaps it was due to the fact that sovereignty and state authority was vested in the King and agreements with his blessing did not require parliamentary ratification. Various institutional mechanisms under those constitutions, called by different names, were not sovereign.
For the first time, the provision for parliamentary ratification for treaties/agreements dealing with specific subjects was incorporated in the constitution of 1990 in Article 126. It is clear that drafters of this constitution did not wish to vest such authority to the executive arm of the government and made provision for ratification by parliament. This provision was replicated in Interim Constitution in Article 156 and present constitution in Article 279.

Judiciary
A writ petition was filed in Supreme Court as agreement for export-oriented West Seti project was not ratified by the parliament and this scribe too had appeared in the hearing on behalf of the petitioner before a division bench comprising justices Anup Raj Sharma and Kalyan Shrestha. In handing down a verdict (number 8059) the court ruled that parliamentary ratification is not necessary as the agreement was not contractual agreement for division of natural resources between two countries or a number of countries. It implies that parliamentary ratification is only necessary if such agreements are executed between two states/governments or number of states/governments.

Under this interpretation PDA for Arun 3 will require parliamentary ratification as it was signed by the government of Nepal with Sutlej Jal Vidyut Nigam (SJVN), which is owned jointly by Indian federal government and a state government. Effectively, it constitutes an agreement between governments of Nepal and India. A writ petition filed against the agreement for Arun 3 is under consideration at Supreme Court and it is hoped that the Court will not rule that ratification would be required only if agreement is signed by government of Nepal with Indian government, not with a company owned by Indian government.

1990 Constitution
Drafters of 1990 Constitution were clear about their intention and had constructed Article 126 very wisely. This article stipulates that agreement signed by Nepal state or government on the subjects specified in Article 126(2) require parliamentary ratification. It doesn’t say that only agreements signed between Nepal state/government and another state/government or a number of states requires ratification.

Therefore, treaties/agreements related to subjects specified in Article 126(2) [Article 279(2) of current constitution] whether signed between Nepal state/government and another state/government or a number of states or by Nepal state/government with any party (whether foreign state/government or public/private company, institute, agency etc.) has to be ratified by the parliament.

Confusion between treaty and agreement
Generally agreements concluded between two states/governments are called treaty, which is covered by Article 2(a) of Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. While agreements signed between non-government institutions and between government and other non-government institutions are called agreement; such agreements are not referred to as treaties.

With this in view, the constitution drafters have used both words: treaty and agreement. In an important document like constitution, an extra word would not have been inserted unnecessarily if it were not absolutely essential. The constitution would not have mentioned the word “agreement” if the intention was just to cover inter-government treaties or treaties between a numbers of nations. Only one word, treaty would have been sufficed.

Power Trade Agreement
Nepal government has signed Power Trade Agreement with India in 1997 and although it constituted a treaty, it was called an agreement and it required parliamentary ratification; for the failure to get it ratified by the parliament the agreement became defunct. Nepal signed another Power Trade Agreement in 2014. It becomes clear from this that although treaties are signed between government-to-government; these are at times also called agreements. Moreover, not only treaties come under purview of Article 279 but also agreements come under it. Further, merely because a document is called an agreement, it doesn’t become exempt from parliamentary ratification if it comes under the purview of article related to parliamentary ratification.

PTA signed in 2014 is an agreement subject to parliamentary ratification in accordance with precedent set by Supreme Court; it has yet to be ratified by the parliament. Seemingly, GoN is not getting it ratified by the parliament by interpreting that since it is an “agreement,” it doesn’t need parliamentary ratification. This not only constitutes transgression of constitutional provision but also infringement of authority of the parliament. Further, it also amounts to breach of precedent set by Supreme Court in West Seti case. It is hoped that Supreme Court would take sou moto notice of the matter and direct GoN to get PTA with India ratified by the parliament.

Transfer of Project to GoN under BOOT
Supreme Court, in handing down the verdict in West Seti case, also contented that the Project would be returned back to GoN after completion of specific period, e.g. 25 years and inferred that, therefore, the project doesn’t have long-term adverse impact. What has been lost sight of is the fact that, although civil structures like dam, canal etc. have life of about 50 years, but plant, equipment like turbine, generator etc. have limited life and when the project is handed over, these would be in almost dilapidated condition. It can be compared with the practice of girls being put under bondage called Kamlari in Nepali, wherein a girl is given away till her parents are able to repay money borrowed by which time her reproductive age would be over. This adversely impacts more than imagined; Nepal will be deprived of electricity when the project is in robust condition (while Nepal is not able to meet demand, including latent demand) and returned after it is not in optimum condition will again deprive Nepal from reaping benefit from the project.

At the risk of being charged with contempt of court, this scribe has to state that judiciary has become silent witness to unconstitutional acts of GoN. An important question arises: does it imply that if an agreement is signed with private sector no parliamentary ratification is required? Then all agreements related to Article 279(2) would be signed with private sector thus avoiding botheration of getting ratified by parliament. In any case even intergovernmental agreement like PTA has not been subjected to parliamentary ratification, committing contempt of Supreme Court and infringing power of parliament.

If agreements signed by GoN with private sector is not subject to parliamentary ratification, how about similar agreements related to (1) peace and friendship (2) security and strategic alliance and (3) the boundaries of Nepal signed by GoN with private sector? Would these too be exempt from parliamentary ratification? If so, what will happen if an agreement is signed with a private sector modeled after East India Company handing over certain territory of Nepal?

There could be another logic that agreement signed by GoN with private sector related to (1) peace and friendship (2) security and strategic alliance and (3) the boundaries of Nepal is subject to parliamentary ratification and only agreements with private sector related to natural resource is exempt from parliamentary ratification. This would be a very irrational logic.
As Nepal is a sovereign country any agreement on subjects specified in Article 279(2) requires parliamentary ratification whether signed between Nepal state/government and foreign state/government or any other institution, agency, private sector or amongst number of states/governments.
Ratna Sansar Shrestha

Published in Peoples Review on December 15, 2016